Eu Quero A Menina

Eu Quero A Menina (Ruy Penalva) Só não viu foi quem não quis O perdão tergiversar Quando aquele monstro feiticeiro Tomou conta do lugar Chegou, pediu, minto, exigiu A mais linda virgem pra levar A mais atraente A mais comovente A mais sempre a mais dentre as mais Pegou a menina Levou a menina Roubou a menina, sumiu Ninguém soube dela Ninguém mais revela Ninguém disse ao menos um piu! Já depois muito depois Bem no céu apareceu Um grande cometa Talvez um planeta Eu sei uma estrela nasceu Eu quero a menina Me tragam a menina Eu quero a menina porque No fim novela Só eu gosto dela Só eu vou poder desfazer Tamanho encanto Dum forte quebrando Que um dia pôs tudo a perder Um grande momento Meu contentamento De um dia casar com você

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sexta-feira, 5 de novembro de 2010

O cardeal, o bandido e o feto


Hoje o cardeal Don Eugênio disse que bandido tem de ser tratado como bandido. Como disse Caetano Velloso numa das suas canções: O cardeal vê espírito no feto e nenhum no marginal. Será que existe uma desespiritualização no marginal de forma que ele passe a ser apenas um corpo sem espírito? Bom, Don Eugênio poderia nos explicar isso melhor à luz do cânone. E quando o feto tem toda a possibilidade de ser um marginal, o que diz o cardeal? Deveríamos coibir esse potencial marginal ainda in utero? There is something that is out of order.

quarta-feira, 3 de novembro de 2010

Endureça, Barack Obama

November 1, 2010

Get Bold, Barack

WASHINGTON — I was among the early and strong supporters of Barack Obama. America was stuck and it seemed to me he could take the country forward into the 21st century, which began so tragically in downtown New York and here in the nation’s capital. Like many, at midterm, I’m struggling with my disappointment.
I’ve asked myself: Would Hillary Clinton, experienced and attuned to blue-collar America, have been stronger and more capable of lifting the national mood? I’ve thought to myself: Is it unfair to feel this disillusionment given the scale of Obama’s inherited problems? And I’ve wondered, given the visceral disrespect for the president from the Tea Party — a foul scorn full of innuendo that skirts the boundaries of racism — whether Obama could have done anything to reach across the aisle?
To all these questions, at different times, I’ve had different answers. No, says one voice, get over it, he’s doing the best he could to lift America from the double whammy of war and economic meltdown. He’s smart and curious — and, anyway, just consider the mystical-nationalist-insular alternative.
Oh yeah, says another, he’s too cool a customer, a beguiling construct more than flesh and blood, an empty vessel for a misplaced idealism, a politician averse to pressing the flesh (and what else is politics?), a man who — not for nothing — tilts his chin upward when he speaks.
Back and forth go the voices, but there’s no getting away from the disappointment. This president feels flat — and somehow not quite genuine. He should place above his bed the words of Jonathan Alter: “Logic can convince but only emotion can motivate.”
On arriving in New York from London, I went to a party on the Upper East Side. It was a well-heeled crowd, almost all Obama supporters a couple of years back. “The guy’s a phony,” one guest said. “We need a Bloomberg, somebody who can manage,” said another, referring to the billionaire mayor of New York. “All this Clinton nostalgia, it’s because Obama is a loner, not interested in people,” said a third.
I was a struck by how people aren’t sure where Obama’s headed. There’s no narrative to the presidency. It was about believable change. Now the president seems less a passionate change agent than a careful calculator unsure of his core beliefs. In London, you know what Prime Minister David Cameron is about: rowing back the state and slashing the deficit. Agree or disagree, there’s a narrative. It helps.
Another foreign leader came to mind, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil, now about to leave office after an extraordinary presidency. Here are two outsider politicians with lullaby-like names and the kinds of faces not previously seen on their nations’ banknotes, breaking molds of race or class. But there the resemblance ends.
Lula proved all of a piece — one of eight children from the impoverished far north of Brazil, a former steelworker who repaired social fracture in one of the world’s most unequal societies. Obama has so far failed that critical authenticity test.
There was an anti-establishment frisson to Obama, the black man who battled to overcome prejudice and America’s “original sin” to win the nation’s highest office. Yet he has revealed himself as an elite product of America’s elite schools, a politician who built his image with great intelligence but shows little taste for the nitty-gritty. Bipartisanship, when it’s not just oratory, begins with small gestures.
I was talking to a Democratic Party donor, a Kansas City businessman. He said he’s given over $30,000 to Obama — and not a word of thanks. He was irritated. Lots of people think this president is too smug to write thank-you notes or make quick courtesy calls.
After the inevitable midterm defeat, Obama needs to make some decisions. He’s stuck on the 20-yard line in domestic and foreign policy. The facile attacks on “fat-cat bankers” have to end. They don’t convince the left and they infuriate the right. Prosecute, by all means, but don’t rail. And remember that Americans get good housekeeping in the end. One $787 billion fiscal injection is enough.
Americans are trying to de-leverage. They’ll follow a president who says extending tax cuts for the rich is madness. They might buy a consumption tax. But the president has to lead.
Obama is confronting an international conviction that he’s hesitant. The agonizing review that led to the Afghan surge left an impression of uncertainty. In the end we got what some have called the Groucho Marx Hello, I Must be Going! plan, a brief reinforcement to be reversed in time for the 2012 campaign. In the Middle East, too, domestic politics have trumped change, with resulting equivocation and familiar paralysis.
Boldness characterized Obama’s campaign; only that will get him re-elected in 2012. He needs to invigorate his team with doers rather than thinkers. He needs to become serious about balancing the budget. He needs a foreign policy that reflects a changed world not a churlish Congress.
And he must admit to himself that perhaps the disappointed are not misguided but rational, even scientific — words he likes.

terça-feira, 2 de novembro de 2010

Eletrochoque - A volta de uma velha terapia



"Eletrochoque" é mais eficaz contra depressões graves
Método recuperou 70% dos pacientes, enquanto drogas antidepressivas tiveram 30% de êxito, diz psiquiatra

Preconceito se deve a mau uso no passado, dizem especialistas; efeitos colaterais vão de náusea a amnésia

GUILHERME GENESTRETI
ENVIADO ESPECIAL A FORTALEZA
No imaginário popular, eletrochoque é aquela antiga tortura usada contra pacientes psiquiátricos.
Na psiquiatria, "eletrochoque" é o sinônimo politicamente incorreto de eletroconvulsoterapia, "o antidepressivo mais poderoso que existe", segundo Harold Sackheim, professor da Universidade Columbia (EUA).
Sackheim, que é americano e participou do Congresso Brasileiro de Psiquiatria encerrado sábado em Fortaleza, disse que 70% dos pacientes com quadros de depressão grave se recuperaram com eletrochoques. Já a taxa de de sucesso com antidepressivos, nesses casos, não ultrapassou 30%.
"Metade dos pacientes que eu tratei já tentou se matar e eles acabaram se recuperando", disse à Folha o professor de psiquiatria.
Segundo o brasileiro Moacyr Rosa, também pesquisador da Columbia, o preconceito contra o método vem de seu mau uso no passado, quando era aplicado sem anestesia e para qualquer coisa. "A eletroconvulsoterapia acompanhou a evolução da medicina e hoje suas aplicações são muito mais seguras."

INDICAÇÕES
Se antes havia um uso indiscriminado dessa terapia, hoje os especialistas só a recomendam para casos em que o paciente não responde aos medicamentos ou quando a depressão é severa.
"Se os sintomas forem muito intensos, a ponto de causarem estupor ou grandes prejuízos às atividades profissionais e ao relacionamento, temos um caso grave de depressão", explica o psiquiatra José Alberto Del Porto, da Unifesp.
As sessões de 20 minutos são feitas três vezes por semana, por um mês.
O paciente recebe anestesia geral. Os eletrodos induzem uma corrente elétrica no cérebro que provoca a convulsão, alterando os níveis de neurotransmissores e neuromoduladores como a serotonina e a dopamina.

AMNÉSIA
Apesar de exaltarem a eficácia do método, os especialistas reconhecem que a terapia por convulsão elétrica causa efeitos colaterais que variam da náusea até a perda de parte da memória.
Segundo Del Porto, é comum o procedimento causar perda transitória da capacidade de memorização. "Depois de duas ou três semanas, tudo volta ao normal. Já os casos de perda das recordações costumam ser raros".
Segundo Rosa, esses desconfortos são o foco atual das pesquisas. "A ideia hoje é diminuir a incidência desses efeitos colaterais."

Dilma Porque Nossa Senhora É Mulher

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